Nearly a century on the water

The history of Local 400 is one of triumph and setback, of audacity and innovation. It is a union with a deep and sometimes contentious legacy, but one that has always been decidedly working-class. From early battles for fair shifts and the right to the hiring hall to pitched opposition to the scuttling of the Canadian merchant fleet and the dominion of flags of convenience, to more recent campaigns for dignified and safe shipside accommodation, Local 400 has been a champion of workers in the maritime trades. Like any union, it has gone through periods of hardship — at the hands of employers and the state alike. However, through grit and solidarity, Local 400 has risen time and again to fight for the jobs, safety, and dignity of its members. Its history is one that spans nearly a century, finding its roots in the Lakes' shipping trade and eventually culminating in the union we know today.

1936 The Canadian Seamen's Union

To understand the history of Local 400, we must first understand its pre-history. Obviously, this goes back to the earliest days of the European colonial project in what is now Canada, but the early 20th century is perhaps the most important period in the formation of workers' organisations in the Canadian seafaring trades. Local 400 finds its roots with the founding of the Canadian Seamen's Union in 1936 when the Marine Workers' Union of the Great Lakes (MWU) merged with the National Seamen's Union. The two independent unions had formed the previous year to present a rank-and-file alternative to the employer-dominated National Seamen's Association (NSA). The newly formed CSU quickly became the primary union for unlicensed seafarers, particularly due to its commitment to organizing and tendency to stage bold and innovative strikes.

Much like those of today's deep-sea workers, conditions for seafarers in the early 20th century were shocking. Their shifts were long, their continued employment uncertain. They commonly found themselves marooned at distant ports, often without having been paid, and responsible for finding their own way home (if they even had a permanent abode to return to). Until the formation of the CSU, collective action was seen, under the Canada Shipping Act, as tantamount to mutiny. As a result, the CSU made an immediate impact. Within just a year, by the time of its first convention, the young union had over 1,000 members (and maybe as many as 1,900, according to some sources). Although they fought for a number of improvements, the main issues were the 8-hour working day, wireless radio on all vessels, workplace safety, and increased wages. However, they also had to fight simply to join the CSU rather than being forced to enroll in the NSA. As such, in 1938, the CSU staged its first set of strikes, blocking inland shipping and ultimately winning the right to choose their union, while also innovating the kinds of chokepoint tactics that have proven so crucial in the decades since.

1939–1949 War and the postwar strikes

As Canada entered World War 2, CSU members found themselves serving the war effort in several ways, facing perilous conditions as their merchant vessels were brought into service. The union continued representing the interests of workers during this period, although in keeping with the general no-strike conditions agreed upon by the broader Canadian labour movement of the time. However, at the close of the war, matters changed dramatically, as the considerably sized Canadian fleet was set to be liquidated. At the end of the war, the Canadian fleet was composed of over 250 vessels, and the scuttling of such a sizable fleet would put innumerable jobs at risk. The CSU strikes in 1946 and 1949 were not only attempts to reverse the concessions of the war period and restore pre-war conditions, they were also existential fights to preserve the merchant fleet and the seafarers' very jobs.

The 1946 strike was, at that point, one of the most ambitious in Canadian history. In addition to the call for job security, the CSU demanded a shift from the 12-hour to the 8-hour day. Starting in May, the strike lasted for nearly a month, virtually halting Canadian marine traffic. Striking CSU members were met with strike-breakers and repressive violence, but over the course of 28 days they were able to pressure the government into forcing a settlement, winning the 8-hour day and granting exclusive bargaining rights to the CSU.

Unfortunately, the onslaught against the CSU began in earnest over the next three years. First, in 1947, a former CSU leader defected, starting his own rival union and denouncing the CSU as dominated by the Communist Party. More importantly, however, was a plot of collusion between the employers, the St. Laurent government, and the American SIU in 1949. Fearing the collective power of the CSU but masking this fear behind an anti-Communist rationalization, the Liberal government invited the SIU to take over organizing in Canada's waterways. This came to a head during the 1949 strike, which was an innovative international strike fighting for the preservation of marine jobs against the backdrop of a quickly diminishing fleet as well as the right of seafarers to join the union of their choice. Following a series of backroom agreements between employers and the SIU, the CSU called the strike on March 31st. While enjoying high levels of international solidarity, the picket lines in Canada were met with brutal violence, the strike fizzling out about three months after it started.

The following years spelled the end for the CSU, and it folded under the coordinated plot levelled against it in 1951. The defeat of the CSU was a major blow to Canadian seafarers, many of whom left the vocation altogether, finding employment in other trades. Most of those who remained were absorbed by the SIU. This does not imply that the 1950s were devoid of activity on the part of former CSU members. The flashpoint did not come until the end of the decade, however.

1959–1960 The Northland picket and "Vocal 400"

Learning that their employer, Northland Navigation Company was prepared to enter into an agreement with the SIU, members of the National Association of Marine Engineers (NAME) went out on strike in June 1959. NAME set up its picket line at Northland early in the morning on June 26, a picket line that was honoured by many in the labour movement, including the ILWU. Unfortunately, given their interest in Northland, the SIU instructed its members to cross the line, which many did, going so far as to actually scab ILWU work on the other side. Members of the West Coast Seamen's Union (WCSU), which had been affiliated with the SIU since 1956, refused to cross the picket line and were expelled from the SIU as a result. The violation of the values and practices of the labour movement paired with an injunction led the ILWU, the WCSU, and other BC Federation of Labour affiliates to form "observation lines" at the Northland picket, compounding pressure on the employer and eventually paving the way for an agreement.

The expelled seafarers subsequently formed a grouping of marine workers that they hoped would join the Canadian Brotherhood of Railway, Transport and General Workers (CBRT). For the remainder of 1959 and into 1960 they went about organizing workers in British Columbia, eventually applying for a CBRT charter. This was granted on January 31, 1960.

A relatively small local, the newly formed Seamen's Section of the CBRT set out to become an alternative to the SIU, dedicating considerable space in their newsletter, "Seamen's Voice" to analyzing contracts and agreements to make the case that seafarers on the west coast would be better served by joining their new local (an early target was BC's tug workers). Quickly gaining a reputation for militancy both externally and internally, the Seamen's Section eventually became known as "Vocal 400."

A key struggle for the CSU and later for CBRT Local 400 was over the fate of the Canadian merchant fleet. The scuttling of the fleet led to a dramatic decline in the number of Canadian marine jobs, and over the second half of the 20th century this effect was compounded by the increasing use of flags of convenience. During this period, Local 400 was a powerful voice of opposition to this practice, calling for increased investment in a Canadian fleet, aggressive regulation to curb the spread of flag of convenience practices, and increased organizing amongst international flag of convenience crews.

1995 Joining the ILWU

A major change in the operational structures of Local 400 took place in late 1994. In response to CBRT's decision to merge with the CAW and recognizing a closer affinity to the ILWU, Local 400 set out to change affiliation. Local 400's merger ballot was overwhelmingly approved by membership, with 98% of completed ballots voting in favour of the merger (the later referendum to accept a charter passed by 93.5%). As a result, Local 400 was granted a charter on March 8, 1995, officially becoming ILWU Local 400 Marine Section on April 3, 1995. This affiliation has sustained over the last 30 years, bringing together a great many of Canada's maritime workers under one umbrella. As the ILWU Canada President said at the time: "The affiliation of Local 400 will strengthen both unions. We have a common interest in protecting and promoting union standards on the waterfront." In fact, according to the contemporary President of Local 400, members had wanted to affiliate with ILWU way back at the formation of the local, but had been unable. As he put it, this "was a move that should have been made in 1959."

Today A rank-and-file union, still growing

Since 1995, Local 400 has remained a rank-and-file union of seafarers and related workers. It has continued organizing both in large corporate shops and smaller local outfits. Over the decades, conditions remained tumultuous with changes in employer operations, competition from other unions, and major shifts in the provincial economy (particularly the downturn in forestry) continually threatening the jobs and livelihoods of seafarers. However, since the second decade of the 21st century, Local 400 has worked to organize new shops, expanding their focus beyond seafarers to include general and logistical workers.

Whether as CSU, WCSU, CBRT Local 400, or ILWU Local 400, this union has been composed of workers and for workers, and it continues to build on this rich legacy of rank-and-file unionism.